Previous Research Papers
Read previous examples of research carried our using the collection.
In 1842, when John Goodsir was Conservator to the Museum of the RCSEd, he saw a 19-year-old male patient who vomited a large volume of acidic, fermented-smelling, watery fluid every morning. Under his microscope, Goodsir found the vomitus to be populated with a micro-organism he named Sarcina ventriculi, which he considered to be causative. In so-doing, Goodsir became one of the first people to link a specific micro-organism with a disease. Goodsir recommended small doses of creosote as an antiseptic and claimed that the boy was eventually cured of the vomiting condition. In August of 1863 Charles Darwin was hugely celebrated by the scientific community and the public, but he had suffered from severe stomach problems all his adult life and at this point, he was vomiting daily. He read Goodsir’s paper and contacted him and asked if he could send some vomitus samples to Edinburgh in the hope that Goodsir might find Sarcina in it and solve the mystery of his debilitating stomach symptoms and perhaps cure them with creosote. Goodsir examined samples in his microscope, but failed to find Sarcina. Sadly, Darwin went on to suffer constantly from severe stomach problems, recently attributed to lactose intolerance, until he died in 1882, some 20years later.
Andrew Duncan Senior and John Roberton were medical figures who wrote about Medical Police, the forerunner of Public Health, at the turn of the 18th century in Edinburgh. Duncan was an establishment figure, already a Professor at Edinburgh University Medical School when he began a series of lectures on the legal context of medicine, the first of its kind in the UK. Roberton was a less conventional person whose medical qualifications were dubious but who wrote a textbook on Medial Police, the first in the English language. Both were influenced by the German Johann Frank, but developed very different models of Medical Police. Duncan’s form depended on education and reflected social attitudes in post-enlightenment Scotland while Roberton was a committed miasmatist and championed an interventional, sanitarian approach. This approach was imaginative, employing an army of medical officers to enforce the policy funded by extra taxes, but this proved too interventional for 19th century Scotland, Roberton left Edinburgh and went to London and never again published on the topic of Medical Police or lectured on the topic. By contrast, Duncan’s influence continued through the Chair of Medical Police and Medical Jurisprudence at the University of Edinburgh that he initiated and championed.
The building of the Edinburgh New Town, from the mid-18th to the mid-19th centuries, was a major advance in harmonious and elegant town planning. However, there is anecdotal evidence that it led to the occurrence of an epidemic of silicosis/tuberculosis among the stonemasons. We have reviewed contemporary accounts of the episode and early records of the understanding of silicosis. We have also studied the lung of a contemporary stonemason, preserved in the museum of the Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh, and confirmed the presence of silico-tuberculosis in it. The evidence shows that a major epidemic did occur, caused by a combination of factors. The size of the undertaking attracted many stonemasons to Edinburgh over a period of almost 100 years, intensively cutting and dressing stone. The principal stone worked was a very high-quartz sandstone, derived from the local Craigleith quarry, having properties that made it desirable for prestige buildings. However, even before the construction of the New Town, Craigleith sandstone was notorious for its dustiness and the Edinburgh stonemasons worked the stone in unventilated sheds. Stonemasons appeared to be aware of the risk of their trade, but little was known about preventive measures. It appears it was assumed that the risks to stonemasons disappeared after the Craigleith quarry closed, the employers emphasising (without evidence) the lack of health risks in other quarries, and the tragic episode appears to have been forgotten. However, we point to the continuing occurrence of silicosis among stonemasons to the present day; the importance of remembering such episodes is stressed lest the lessons of the past be forgotten.
From the identification of a specific lung disease caused by coal dust exposure in miners in 1831 until the demonstration of the association of that exposure to risk of emphysema in 1984, there was continuous argument about the harmfulness of coal dust. Ill health in miners was attributed variously to tuberculosis, quartz exposure or cigarette smoking. An acceptance that coal dust was harmful only started with investigative radiology and pathology in the 1920s, and physiology in the 1950s. Most of the early investigations were in South Wales, the centre of the most important coal field in Great Britain. Among the investigators was Professor Jethro Gough who, with his technician James Wentworth, introduced a technique for making thick sections of whole, inflated lungs on paper backing. Here, we describe this method and its central role in understanding the relationships between coal dust exposure, pneumoconiosis, emphysema and lung dysfunction in miners.
By the mid-19th century about 200,000 miners were employed in a UK coal mining industry still growing with the advances of the Industrial Revolution. Coal miners were long known to suffer poor health but the link to inhaling dust in the mines had not been made. In 1813 George Pearson was the first to suggest that darkening of lungs seen in normal individuals as they aged was caused by inhaled soot from burning oil, candles and coal, which were the common domestic sources of heat and light. In 1831 Dr James Craufurd Gregory first described black pigmentation and disease in the lungs of a deceased coal miner and linked this to pulmonary accumulation of coal mine dust. Gregory hypothesised that the black material seen at autopsy in the collier’s lungs was inhaled coal dust and this was confirmed by chemical analysis carried out by Professor Sir Robert Christison. Gregory suggested that coal dust was the cause of the disease and warned physicians in mining areas to be vigilant for the disease. This first description of what came to be known as ‘coal worker’s pneumoconiosis’ sparked a remarkable intellectual effort by physicians in Scotland, culminating in a large body of published work that led to the first understandings of this disease and its link to coal-blackened lungs. This paper sets out the history of the role of Scottish physicians in gaining this understanding of coal worker’s pneumoconiosis. It describes Gregory’s case and the lung– recently discovered in the pathology collection of the Surgeons’ Hall Museums, Edinburgh, where it has lain unnoticed for over 180 years – on which Gregory based his landmark paper.
The work of the serial killers William Burke and William Hare, immigrant Ulstermen who came to Scotland in 1818, is well known. When they were finally caught, having murdered 16 people and sold their bodies for dissection, Hare turned King’s evidence and after a dramatic trial Burke was hanged in January 1829. The notoriety of the case resulted in a crowd for Burke’s public execution that is generally regarded as the largest that ever assembled in Edinburgh for a hanging, being estimated at between 25,000 and 35,000 people. A contemporary journal kept by a medical student named Thomas Hume was recently acquired by The Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh. It contains new information regarding a contingent of immigrant Irishmen who were present at the hanging. In the lead-up to the execution, they took up a position in front of the gallows and tried to prevent any non-Irish from approaching the area immediately in front of the gallows, a futile aim given the huge, rapidly accumulating mob. On being questioned by Hume on their motives, they said it was bad enough for Burke, ‘the poor devil’, to be hanged, but they feared he would be mocked and denigrated by the crowd and so they were there to keep the crowd away from him as much as they could. The Irish in Scotland at that time were a marginalised and ghettoised group who saw Burke as one of their own. Therefore, they most likely saw it as their duty to at least try and protect him during, in their view, his final and most harsh mistreatment by a society that had habitually mistreated him and them.
Robert Knox was publicly vilified for his suspected complicity in the 16 murders committed by Burke and Hare, although he had no involvement in them. Along with several books on anatomy Knox also wrote a book on angling in Lowland Scotland. In ‘Fish and Fishing in the Lone Glens of Scotland’ Knox’s deep love for nature and for fishing emerges. Most interesting however is that although generally focussed on fish and fishing, the book abounds with asides on Knox’s other preoccupations and passions. These provide rare insights into the character of the great anatomist, whose personality has otherwise retained its opacity over the years. In the book, Knox writes in passing and in a relatively unguarded fashion, about such topics as transcendental anatomy, Scottish Independence, empiricism, race and Edinburgh medical figures. In so-doing, we contend that he affords the reader some insight into the mind of the real Dr Robert Knox.
Dr Robert Knox was publicly scorned and disgraced for his unwitting involvement in the Burke and Hare serial murders in 1828. Far less appreciated is his brilliance as an anatomist and he espoused the European movement in Transcendental Anatomy, which aimed to uncover the laws governing what we now know as evolution and the origin of species. Knox fully embraced Transcendental Anatomy during a sojourn in Paris and taught it on his return to Edinburgh, where there was a critical mass of like-minded Transcendental Anatomists. Charles Darwin spent 1825–1827 as a medical student in Edinburgh when Transcendental Anatomy was at its peak amongst the city’s anatomists, and evolution – then known as transmutation – was a source of great interest and controversy. Knox intended to research Transcendental Anatomy, but this was thwarted by conflicting demands on his time in the second half of the 1820s decade and the Burke and Hare tragedy. He did, however, go on to champion Transcendental Anatomy and write extensively on it.
Almost from the time that autopsies were first routinely carried out, darkening of lungs with increasing age was described. Different explanations for the origin of the accumulating black pigment arose and by the early nineteenth century three hypotheses had emerged: 1) soot inhaled into the lungs from the air; 2) carbon accumulating in the lungs from abnormal pulmonary carbon dioxide metabolism; and, 3) pigment derived from the blood. In 1813 the English physician and chemist George Pearson published a paper in which he described the recovery of the black pigment from lungs and its chemical analysis. Pearson declared the black pigment to be airborne carbon/soot from the burning of coal and wood. He described these particles depositing in ‘black spots’ in the terminal airways and accumulating in the peribronchial lymph nodes, forming ‘black glands’. Despite Pearson’s prescient account, debate continued and the true explanation, given in that paper, was not fully accepted until the late nineteenth century.
Richard Muir (1862—1931) began his career as a ‘lab boy’ in the Pathology Department of the University of Edinburgh in 1876 at the age of 13. This was a newly created category of worker that eventually became today’s biomedical scientist Muir rapidly gained expertise in pathological and bacteriological techniques including staining and microscopy. Exceptionally, for someone non-medical and non-university-educated individual, he was elected a member of the Pathological Society of Great Britain and appointed Demonstrator in Pathology in the University of Edinburgh Pathology Department. He authored papers on staining techniques for bacteria and on the pathology of syphilis of the ear and became a recognised diagnostic histopathologist, despite having no medical qualifications. He especially excelled as an artist, depicting the microscopic world of pathology and microbiology and produced diagrams for hundreds of publications including his own book and also large wall hangings of the microscopic world for teaching purposes. This paper describes the unique contribution of Richard Muir to pathology in Edinburgh and beyond in the early 20th century.
Andrew Duncan Senior and John Roberton were medical figures who wrote about Medical Police, the forerunner of Public Health, at the turn of the 18th century in Edinburgh. Duncan was an establishment figure, already a Professor at Edinburgh University Medical School when he began a series of lectures on the legal context of medicine, the first of its kind in the UK. Roberton was a less conventional person whose medical qualifications were dubious but who wrote a textbook on Medial Police, the first in the English language. Both were influenced by the German Johann Frank, but developed very different models of Medical Police. Duncan’s form depended on education and reflected social attitudes in post-enlightenment Scotland while Roberton was a committed miasmatist and championed an interventional, sanitarian approach. This approach was imaginative, employing an army of medical officers to enforce the policy funded by extra taxes, but this proved too interventional for 19th century Scotland, Roberton left Edinburgh and went to London and never again published on the topic of Medical Police or lectured on the topic. By contrast, Duncan’s influence continued through the Chair of Medical Police and Medical Jurisprudence at the University of Edinburgh that he initiated and championed.